Israel, Palestine, and Identity Politics

Photo via Novara Media/Lab Ky Mo/SOPA Images

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Since Israel’s foundation in 1948, and even prior, it has looked to the United States for military, economic, and political support.

The U.S.’s significant role in World War II led the way to its involvement as a sponsor of the Zionist agenda, which found its roots with Theodor Herzl’s Der Judenstaat, or The Jewish State. This work, and others, claimed the necessity of a Jewish home state, where they would be safe from the persecution they faced throughout the rest of the world—ironically, including their ally, the United States.

As Americans were horrified by the rise of Nazi Party leader Adolf Hitler in Germany, prominent figures like Henry Ford and Charles Lindbergh printed and spewed antisemitic rhetoric. Nazi chapters popped up across the States, even as the military battled them overseas. But following the end of the Holocaust, American civil society rallied around the Jewish international community, and antisemitic ideology began to fade nationwide.

The United States was a primary supporter of the foundation of Israel due to its democratic ideals, supposed humanitarian responsibilities, and desire for a regional foothold. Through the 20th century, the U.S. gladly indulged Israeli interests, eager to prevent Soviet influence in the Middle East at the height of the Cold War. This “special relationship” continued for years to come, as President Ronald Reagan granted Israel the designation of a ‘Major Non-NATO Ally,’ and President George H.W. Bush followed by furthering Arab-Israeli negotiations at the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference. President Bill Clinton continued to align with a pro-Israel stance, even from across the aisle, hosting a treaty signing with Palestine at the White House in 1993.                                                                                            

Though the U.S. allied with Saudi Arabia and strengthened its ties with Egypt, Israel has long remained a higher priority, with better popularity on the home front.

Arab and Muslim Americans have long faced discrimination and violence in the United States, which only spiked following the events of September 11th, 2001. 9/11 marked a change in both U.S. foreign policy and national dynamics, with an increased hostility towards Middle Eastern powers and Middle Eastern immigrants. As Operation Enduring Freedom and the War on Terror tore across Afghanistan, hate crimes against Islamic Americans skyrocketed, increasing by almost 1600% from 2000 to 2001.

To add to this, tensions between and against minority Jews and Arabs have been heightened by recent events in the Gaza Strip.

On October 7th, 2023, Hamas launched a surprise attack during Simchat Torah, a Jewish holiday, killing over 1,000 people and taking approximately 240 hostages. Since this date, Israel and Hamas have sparred with a seemingly endless series of escalations. Despite international calls for—and occasional periods of—ceasefire, both sides have remained relentless and resistant to compromise. 

Meanwhile, the people of Gaza have suffered through destruction, constant threats, scarcity of food and water, and violation of their rights to life. This has led to calls to address the conflict as a humanitarian crisis, rather than a land dispute, particularly among those who sympathize more strongly with the Palestinian cause.

While the U.S. has been occupied in dealing with the war in Ukraine, rampant protests, and inflation at home, it has continued to pledge support for Israel. The Biden administration organized an $8 billion arms sale in early 2025; the Trump administration recently also organized a $12 billion arms sale, besides almost $4 billion in emergency military assistance. 

The events of October 7th sparked outrage across the country and the world, but once those flames died out, a greater divide in the United States was revealed.

Our typical idea of a political divide in the U.S. evokes the red and blue of the two-party system—and a poor excuse for civility between Republicans and Democrats. To make a broad generalization, one could correlate Republicans with a dedication to the Israeli cause, and Democrats with Palestinian sympathies. However, this oversimplification—like the rest of the two-party system—does American civil society a serious disservice. Instead of retreating to the comfort of left or right, the conflict in Gaza brought out a much more serious, deeply-rooted animosity between American Arabs and Jews, with the rest of the nation left to take sides.

Many Arab and/or Muslim voters found themselves hesitant to back former President Joseph Biden in the 2024 election, and even his campaign successor, former Vice President Kamala Harris. Despite their staunch Democratic alignment, many supporters balked at their supposed pro-Israel stances. President Biden’s base soured, with some even calling him ‘Genocide Joe’ for his defense of Israel. Though some Arab Americans continued to support Biden and later Harris from a tactical voting standpoint, it was clear that they had lost much favor. By late polls, Arab Americans were split at 42% for President Donald J. Trump, 41% for former Vice President Harris, and 12% for third-party candidates. 

On the Jewish side, the vast majority have identified as Democrats, due to social and some economic beliefs. However, President Trump has recently aimed to paint himself as “the greatest friend Israel has ever had” and turned to Jewish Americans for support. Though stereotypes once suggested that younger Jews cared less for Zionist ideas, this was disproven by the surge in pride following the events of October 7th. Many Jewish voters were alienated by the Democratic Party’s neutrality or lean towards sympathy for the Palestinian cause, but voted blue from a tactical standpoint.

Though minorities in general tend to lean Democratic, this was not enough to put a Democratic administration in office. President Trump, as advertised, aligned himself immediately with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, boasting a close personal friendship and promise of a ceasefire, accompanied by a victory for Israel.

President Trump has followed his predecessor’s motion to end funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and reevaluated the U.S.’ role in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). All of this was a major part of his selectively engaged foreign policy, “America First,” but worked equally well for the Israeli cause. 

In what appears to be a parallel move, the Democratic Party has more strongly embraced its pro-Palestine left wing, as members are far removed from the pressure of the White House. They can afford to take risks at the moment and stand to gain everything from countering Trump’s foreign policy, waiting for a misstep.

Even so, American public opinion, which has historically been in favor of Israel, is starting to shift. The word ‘genocide’ is beginning to roll off the tongue more easily—political and social figures alike have begun to speak out in favor of Palestine. Polls say that only 32% of Americans now approve of sending additional aid to Israel, while a record high of 60% oppose it. In addition, 37% of Americans surveyed said that they sympathized more with Palestinians, as opposed to 36% with Israelis. For a well-known pro-Israel society, this is revolutionary.

Yet, how will politicians respond? As stated, Democrats have continued to embrace calls for a humanitarian ceasefire, and even President Trump has issued warnings to Israel. But whether this new surge in sympathy will have any real impact in Gaza is yet to be seen.

Nevertheless, the political landscape in America has certainly been impacted. Many former Republicans are turning to the Democratic Party, and many Democrats are feeling unrepresented by their own.

Adding to the dangerously polarized environment, conspiracy theorists are running rampant, with some even claiming that Israeli lobbyists are the real driving force behind the U.S. government’s regional policy. 

Even in the United States, the city on a hill, we are not so advanced beyond turning to ethnic and religious divides. Stereotypes and hate crimes are not things of the past, and ignorant identity politics have proven to be a severe threat to our country and world.

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This article was edited by Zeynep Helva and Andrea Velez.